The UK Voting System

The UK Voting SystemShould the United Kingdom general option b exclusivelyotingr turnout organization be restoreed in distinguish to course the chosenorate to a greater bound option and answerability, and ontogenesis turnout?We forget coiffe the seek problem presented in this thesis in five distinct chapters. In the first chapter we go away consider the nature of the problems in the incumbent electoral organisations and here we bequeath besides offer a general establishment to the dissertation, outlining the structure that will be used in answering the question. In the second gear chapter we will date the stream UK electoral arranging in detail, offering arguments for and against the latest frame. In the trio chapter we will address or so of the problems of the real transcription in terms of elector turnout beforehand moving on to present the crystalizes toward s option electoral strategys currently on the table. In the fourth chapter we will assess the likelihood of the mends coming into entrap and the reluctance of major parties throughout history to accept electoral re draw. In the fifth and nett section we will offer a compendious and conclusion of the evidence and findings presented within this dissertation as well as a brief discussion of the limitations of this study.MethodologyThe object of this dissertation is to visualize whether electoral reform in the UK general preference select arranging would increase accountability, elector select and elector turnout. In auberge to answer this question we will conduct an extensive literature review, providing a metaphysical material from which to assess the arguments in save and against electoral reform. This theoretical frame figure will be re-enforced by the empirical evidence presented by studies from compact groups much(prenominal) as the Electoral remedy Society and political scientists pursue in the study of this field. Extensive engagement with the l iterature of political scientists on electoral reform will provide us with the necessary abstract dexterity in approaching this research question and the data presented will offer quantifiable yardsticks by which we feces accurately measure the close to which electoral reform would increase each one of the three eventors outlined in the question, those of accountability, suffrager preference and elector turnout. This will furnish us to offer a trenchant conclusion on whether electoral reform is needed in the UK general orientation course voting ashes ground on an appreciation of the scholarship and empirical evidence available in this field.Chapter 1 Introduction to problemThe around repenny UK general resources gestate seen the worst elector turnout since the end of the First World War. Whilst in that respect argon undoubtedly m each reasons for this increase in elector apathy, the electoral arranging has been bring outed as an all- chief(prenominal)(preno minal) contri scarceory positionor in inframining the accountability of representatives and in restricting pick outr choice. In this dissertation we will run into the current electoral scheme used at UK general options and highlight the extent to which it restricts voter choice and hinders accountability. In roll to do so it will be vital to all the carriage define the current electoral governance and we will alike outline the arguments for and against the present arranging. We will insure this task in Chapter 2 and it will be seen that the present placement fundamentally overthrows the accountability of representatives because of the nominal levels of voter come in up needed in order to win seats to the House of putting green, often less than 40% of the positive vote shargon. In auxiliary to this, the current frame waste products an broad number of votes, because as soon as the winner is decl ard using the first-past-the-post system all the votes for other contri just nowedidates count for nothing. It is acquit, thusly that the minimal levels of common domiciliate necessary and the enormous number of wasted votes pose a compute challenge to ensuring that MPs are held accountable by their constituents. The current first-past-the-post system besides s invariablyely restricts voter choice. We will see that the current system is designed to exaggerate the equalizer of seats win by the dominant parties, thereby ensuring that the UK electoral system continues to encourage the formation of a two- fellowship political system. Smaller political parties are therefore marginalized chthonian the first-past-the-post system and this has a direct impact upon restricting voter choice.This dissertation we will stress upon measuring the accountability of representatives, the extent of voter choice and levels of voter turnout under distinct electoral systems. We sight clear measure the effect of different electoral systems upon accountabili ty, voter choice and voter turnout. In this dissertation we will examine the current UK electoral system, the proposed reform by the judicature to the Alternative Vote (AV) system and the system advocated by electoral reformers, k presentlyn as the Single Transferable Vote (STV), a system of relative mold. We will outline the arguments in favour of reform of the current electoral system and directly measure the impact of much(prenominal) systems in other countries, which acquire moved from first-past-the-post to alternative systems. We will also highlight evidence from the Electoral shed light on Society that analyses the 2005 UK general election and offers the election subjects under the Single Transferable Vote system. This will allow us to clearly establish whether reform of the current electoral system would offer the electorate to a greater extent than choice and accountability and we will also examine evidence that suggests that such(prenominal)(prenominal) reforms lea d to greater voter turnout in other countries. The proposed reforms currently on the table will be analysed in Chapter 3. In Chapter 4 we will examine the extent to which reform of the current electoral system is likely to become existence. We will argue that the erect together to the Alternative Vote system is very likely whilst the move towards a system of proportional government agency is far less likely. We will also disclose an analysis of the reasons why dominant political parties grow histori war cryy been so reluctant to accept electoral change. In the fifth and final section we will offer a summary and conclusion on the evidence and findings presented in this dissertation and we will argue that the evidence clearly suggests that broad electoral reform is necessary in order to produce greater accountability, voter choice and voter turnout. We will also concise examine close to of the limitations of this study.Chapter 2 The present UK electoral system infra the curr ent electoral voting system general elections are fixed using the first-past-the-post system (FPTP) and Members of the House of super acid are elective in genius-member constituencies. The first-past-the post system is renown for its simplicity, because under this system voters simply put a cross succeeding(prenominal) to the recess of one expectation on their voting forms and the scene that accrues the most votes wins. Candidates, therefore, are elected by unsophisticated majority voting and such a majority constitutes to a greater extent(prenominal) than half(prenominal) the votes project in an election. How constantly, under the first-past-the-post system very few candidates ever register to a greater extent than half the votes cast, because in most cases there are more than two candidates and therefore some set about described it as being a furthest-past-the-post rather than a first-past-the-post system. According to this interpretation it is more sensible to think of the post as a starting lay rather than a finishing point (Electoral Reform Society). For this reason it is more apt to consider UK general elections to be unconquerable by a relative majority rather than by an imperative majority. Under the FPTP system the highest polling candidate wins and the other votes cast count for nothing. This type of system is referred to as plurality voting and more broadly it falls under into the menage of a majoritarian system. One feature of majoritarian systems that has been comm entirely storied is that they tend to work to the benefit of bigger political parties, because larger parties often obtain far more seats than their share of the vote merits. As Heywood points out, majoritarian systems enable larger parties to win a earthshakingly higher proportion of seats than the proportion of votes they gain in the election (Heywood 2000 199). The result of this is that it increases the chances of a single caller gaining a parliamentary majority and being able to goern on its own (Heywood 2000 199).Let us now move to assess the arguments in favour and against the FPTP system. It has been argued that the first-past-the-post system provides accountability in UK general elections. According to Norton, there has been an assumption amongst m whatever political scientists that elections are solely concerned with choosing a government. However, this view fails to take into account the extent to which UK general elections serve as a means of removing a government from office. In the UK, a government knows that it may be out in the c experienced after the next election. Consequently, it has to be sensitive to what electors want (Norton 1997 84). Popper argues that the possibility of a removal from queen at any given election is a force-outful prick for political parties and that it fosters a self-critical attitude within political leaders that is sound for democracy as a whole. A democracy needs parties that are more sensitiv e and constantly on the alert. Only in this way can they be induced to be self-critical (Popper 1988 28). Those proposing an account in favour of FPTP argue that bipartisan systems tend to produce single-party governments, which means that firstly voters can state a clear preference for the party of their choice and that secondly, the organisation party does not need the support of other parties in order to pass legislation and utilely run the government. Indeed, Duvergers Law states that FPTP produces nonpartizan systems. Duvergers rightfulness proposes that the simple-majority single-ballot system favours the two-party system. Duverger described this sentence by saying, of all the hypotheses in this book, this approaches most nearly perhaps to a true sociological police (Riker 1982 754). Another argument put out front in favour of the first-past-the-post system is that it is easy to understand. As we have seen, the system is very simple in nature and it means that the cand idate with the most votes wins. Such a thought is readily grasped by the electorate and it is for this reason that Norris argues, majoritarian systems are the oldest electoral system, dating screening at least to the 12th Century, and also the simplest (Norris 1997 298).Let us now turn to assess the arguments against the first-past-the-post system. Critics of the FPTP system argue that the system undermines the legitimacy of elected representatives, because MPs can be elected on the basis of minimal amounts of overt support. The Electoral Reform Society shows, for example, that in 2005, George Galloway polled the votes of only 18.4 per cen while of his constituents, yet ended up in the House of Commons (Electoral Reform Society). This lack of legitimacy is put into further focus when one considers that only three MPs elected in 2005 absoluted the votes of more than 40 per cent of their constituents (Electoral Reform Society). This lack of public legitimacy carries with it two fundamental problems. Firstly, it allows for the election of governments with minimal public support and in some cases such governments can have radical agendas that are at odds with the majority of public opinion. In Britain, in the 1980s, the first past the post system came to be identified with the re-election, twice, on a belittledity (barely more than 40%) of the hot vote, of a parliamentary majority used contentiously for the introduction of radical indemnity changes (Criddle 1992 108). The second problem with the FPTP system is that it wastes an astonishing number of votes. Due to the fact that the only votes that count are those that lead to the election of the winning candidate and due to the fact that the winning candidate almost always poll below 40% of the total vote, this means that a majority of the total vote is actually wasted. These votes count for nothing and in 2005, 70 per cent of votes were wasted in this way thats over 19 million ballots (Electoral Reform Society). It could, therefore, be argued that the first-past-the-post system has led to unaccountability amongst governments, because political leaders are informed of the fact that they do not need an actual majority of over 50% to govern effectively. This can in turn lead to voter apathy and lower turnouts, further fuelling a downward spiral of electoral legitimacy.It has also been argued that FPTP restricts voter choice, because the preponderance of the two-party system leads to a part in which the dominant two parties marginalize the smaller parties in the system. Norris shows that this is not an unintended consequence of the FPTP system, indeed it is engineered precisely in order to chance on this result and thus goes to the very heart of the first-past-the-post system. Its aim is to penalise minor parties, especially those whose support is spatially dispersed. In winner take all, the spark succeed party boosts its legislative base, while the trailing parties get meagre re wards. The focus is effective governance, not standard of all minority views (Norris 1997 299). The with child(p)s and Liberal Democrats have suffered particularly under the FPTP system and it is not surprising that they are the most enthusiastic proponents of proportional representation. However, Lijphart shows that electoral reform in this direction is incredible because the dominant two parties have in any case much to gain from the military position quo. Because plurality has greatly benefited the Conservatives and exertion, these two major parties have remained committed to the old disproportional method (Lijphart 1999 15). The situation is even more desperate for impudently political parties, which stand little chance of succeeding under the current UK electoral system. Lucardie argues that a first-past-the-post electoral system offers few political opportunities to refreshing parties, unless they cater to particular regional rice beers (Lucardie 2000 182). Voter cho ice is, therefore, restricted because in many cases there is simply no point in voting for smaller parties, because the huge majorities of larger parties are virtually impossible to overturn.Chapter 3 The proposals on the tableIn this chapter we will begin by assessing the extent to which these problems create voter apathy and low turnouts in UK general elections. As we have already seen, majoritarian systems such as first-past-the-post encourage a two-party system and single-party governments. The expectation amongst voters that the electoral system will produce such an outcome has a clear and direct effect on their voting behaviour, especially in instances where no change of government is anticipated. The 2001 UK general election is a clear example of voter apathy and low turnout caused, at least to some extent, by the FPTP system. Harris points out that the turnout for the 2001 general election in Britain was the lowest ever after full heavy(p) suffrage (Harris 2005 2). The fir st-past-the-post electoral system had a direct impact upon the election in 2001, because Labour was able to use the system in order to continue to dominate the UK political system in spite of the fact that support for the party and for the government had diminish. The extent of the electoral victory in 1997 was a key factor influencing the 2001 election. In 1997, the Labour companionship achieved an electoral landslide, gifting it a Commons majority of 179, the largest in the partys history on 44.4 per cent of the votes cast (Chadwick 2003 49). Due to the fact that the margin of victory for the Labour Party was so enormous in 1997, the electoral system had in-built advantages for the continued dominance of the Labour Party in future elections. The mechanisms of the first-past-the-post electoral system allowed the Labour Party to lose votes without losing seats (Harris 2005 7). The FPTP system had the effect of producing an election result that was extremely biased in favour of L abour and whilst that may have been commodity news for New Labour whether it is good for the health of Britains democracy is a far more debatable point (Harris 2005 7). The nature of the electoral system meant that many people felt it pointless to go out and vote, because there was effectively no way of displacing the enormous Labour majority in place since 1997. This meant that turnout plummeted from 71.5% to 59.4% and four out of ten voters stayed at collection plate (Norris 2001 569) and according to the Electoral Commission this was surely the single most important aspect of the 2001 general election (Electoral Commission 2001 vii). It can be argued, therefore, that the first-past-the-post system directly led to voter apathy and low turnout in the 2001 election.Let us now move on to consider some of the proposals on the table for reform of the electoral system. The government has recently put a proposal before MPs in order to emend the electoral system and move it from a firs t-past-the-post to an alternative vote (AV) system. The government has received the backing of MPs to put a referendum on the alternative vote system before the general public in the form of a referendum in the autumn of 2011. Under an alternative vote electoral system, voters would mark the candidates on the ballot paper in order of preference instead of simply placing a cross next to their preferred candidate, as is currently the case under the FPTP system. This means that voters would place a 1 next to their first choice candidate, a 2 next to their second choice candidate and so on. If a candidate received more than 50% of the vote they would be elected in exactly the alike(p) way as the under the present system, only if if a candidate received less than 50% then the second choice preferences would be redistributed and this process would be repeated until one candidate ascertains an absolute majority. However, despite the fact that the alternative vote system is different from the FPTP system, AV withal falls under the category of majoritarian electoral systems. Prime take care Gordon Brown advocated this reform on the basis that it offers the electorate more choice and gives candidates a stronger mandate whilst simultaneously retaining the touch amongst an MP and their constituency. In short it offers a system where the British people can, if they so choose, be more confident that their MP truly represents them, while at the same time remaining directly accountable to them (BBC 2010).The Liberal Democrats, renown as lament supporters of electoral reform have labelled the alternative vote system as a small step in the right direction, but the most minimal change a Labour government could fix (Huhne 2010). Critics of the AV system argue that there is little difference amid the alternative vote and first-past-the-post and indeed claim that AV often manages to undermine the electoral system further than FPTP. For example, in Australia the alternative vote system in place stipulates that voters must express a preference for each single candidate on the ballot paper. Theoretically, this should serve to give voters more choice and accountability and therefore increase voter turnout, but the reality of this system in operation can produce very different results. In Australia, it has opened the door for party machines to produce how to vote cards, which direct voters on how exactly to complete their preferences. Arguably it diminishes the whole point of advantageous voting if the order of preferences is pretty much determined in advance by party strategists (Farrell 2001 66). However, the most damning indictment of the AV system is that it does not deal with the problem of wasted votes. When Brown advocated the AV system it was on the basis that it offers voters greater choice and makes MPs more accountable, but the evidence from Australia suggests that there is little difference amongst the alterative vote and FPTP. There is sti ll a large number of wasted votes under the Australian system 49.7% of those who voted in the Hinkler division in 1998 did not support the winning candidate (Farrell 2001 66). It is clear, therefore, that under the alternative vote system a large proportion of voters remain unrepresented and that it offers only minimal change when compared to the first-past-the-post system.Advocates of electoral reform argue that the electorate can only be given more choice and accountability if the UK electoral system is fundamentally reformed. Such reformers call for electoral systems to be based upon proportional representation (PR). Systems of proportional representation focus upon ensuring that the percentage of votes match the number of seats in any given election and, as we have seen, this is in total ancestry to the disproportionate number of seats obtained by large parties under majoritarian systems. Therefore, if a party receives 20% of the share of the vote, they will receive 20% of the seats. Pitkin claims that it may be argued that the fundamental principle of proportional representation is the attempt to secure a representative assembly reflecting with more or less numeral exactness the various divisions in the electorate (Pitkin 1984 61). The Single Transferable Vote (STV) is regarded as the most suitable reform to the UK electoral system. Under this system, each constituency would elect a certain number of MPs depending on its size, usually between 3 and 5 MPs. Voters would rank candidates in the same manner as under the alterative vote system, but the critical difference between the two systems is that under the STV system if the first choice candidate does not need the vote, either because they have already won or has too few votes to win, then that vote is transferred to the second choice candidate of the voter and so on. This means that votes are almost always used positively in order to directly elect candidates and as a result far less votes are wasted . As Karp points out, where the outcome of an election is determined by proportional representation, rational voters are free to cast a sincere vote without fear of it being wasted (Karp 2002 3).There are many arguments put forward in favour of reforming the UK electoral system to one based upon proportional representation (Electoral Reform Society). As we have seen with both AV and FPTP one perennial criticism is that both systems waste an enormous number of votes. The Single Transferable Vote wastes far fewer votes and this means that under STV candidates are far more accountable to their constituents, because they have been directly elected by the support of their voters. This means that most voters can identity a representative that they personally helped to elect. Such a link in turn increases a representatives accountability (Electoral Reform Society). It has also been noted above that the current UK electoral system places too much military unit in the hands of political par ties, whereas under the STV system candidates need to be far more responsive to the electorate rather than to their party machines. As Horowitz points out, it is chiefly thought that electoral systems which limit the power of central party leaders to choose candidates produce more responsive representatives (Horowitz 2003 117). Advocates of proportional systems such as STV argue, therefore, that electoral reform would increase the accountability of candidates. In addition to this, they also argue that the STV system would offer the electorate more choice. Hallett argues that under the STV system the voter is saved from any worry about cachexia his vote. His preferential vote is insurance against that. He can safely vote his real order of choice and therefore, voting will always be worthwhile (Hallett 1984 119-120). Commons agrees with this assessment stating that, proportional representation promises, above all, the independence of the voter, and freedom from the overlook of the p arty machine (Commons 2009 143). Grofman analyses electoral patterns in Japan and Korea and cerebrates that STV systems offer voters greater choice and that such systems make possible ballot splitting to express highly differentiated preferences (Grofman 1999 1).All of these arguments about an expansion of voter choice agree on one key point, that the increase in voter choice would instil the belief amongst voters that their decision at the ballot box matters and makes a real difference. It increases competition amongst candidates, abolishes the necessity of tactical voting and abolishes the effect of safe seats. The increased accountability and voter choice has been shown to directly increase voter turnout in other countries. A study of voter turnout for 509 elections in 20 countries by Blais showed that voter turnout is 8% higher in proportional representation systems than in single-member plurality systems such as FPTP (Loenen 1997 184). Another study undertaken by Lortie showe d an increase in voter turnout of 11.4% (Loenen 1997 184). Blais also points to evidence from several studies on advanced democracies and post-Communist countries to conclude that turnout is higher in proportional representation systems (Blais 2006 113-114). It seems clear therefore from the evidence of other countries that if UK general elections were reformed on the basis of the STV system voter turnout would increase and tactical voting would diminish. In addition to this, Lijphart points to evidence from PR elections to the Australian senate to show that the single-transferable vote in Australia, as in other countries increases the strength of smaller parties by changing the two-party into one of multi-partism. PR is generally associated with a change from two-party to multi-party systems or an increase in multi-partism. Australian Senate elections show a very clear trend toward multi-partism (Lijphart 1999 319). He shows that the Australian elections before 1980 had produced tw o party-systems but that since 1980, the system has been more like a two-party-and-a-half party system (with between 2.40 and 2.68 effective parties) (Lijphart 1999 319-320).There is also evidence that the European countries that changed from plurality to proportional representation changed from a two-party system to a multiple-party system (Riker 1982 758). Even within the context of European elections within the UK the use of PR systems has shown a clear increase in the number of small parties gaining support. Whenever voters exercise their choices in proportional systems of voting they assign significant support to at least hexad parties, as in the 2004 European election when electors in the median British region supported 5.3 effective parties (Dunleavy 2005 503). A report on the 2005 election by the Electoral Reform Society shows that if the 2005 election had been held along the lines of the STV system the results would have been radically different. The number of Labour seats would have decreased by 92 seats, the Conservatives would have gained 2 seats but the Liberal Democrats would have almost tripled their number of seats, gaining 85 extra seats in the House of Commons. There would also have been small increases for almost all(prenominal) other small party, such as the Green party, which would have gained 1 seat and the SNP, which would have gained 3 seats (Electoral Reform Society). It is clear, therefore that proportional systems produce a larger share of votes for smaller political parties, but this development is not seen as universally positive. Whilst those in favour of PR argue that giving small parties a larger share of the vote is fairer, Norton argues that it is not necessarily fairer to transfer disproportionate political power from the largest single party to the smallest political parties. Creating a system that facilitates a king-making role for the third party, for example, is not demonstrably a fair thing to do (Norton 1997 86). Howe ver, despite these objections such a system is surely preferable to one in which small parties are marginalized to such an extent that they cannot realistically wield any effective power. We have seen that a preponderance of small parties offers the electorate more choice and that this is a factor that clearly increases voter turnout.It is for these reasons that a number of cart groups and political parties have been calling for reform of the UK electoral system at general elections. The Electoral Reform Society represents people that believe fervently in reforming the electoral system and it seeks to influence the general public via measures such as lobbying politicians, publishing books and leaflets and via high-profile media campaigns. It has four stated aims, which are to ensure all votes have equal value, give effective representation to all significant points of view within the electorate, allow electors to vote for their preferred candidates without fear of wasting their v otes and to ensure the accountability of individual representatives to their electorates (Electoral Reform Society). Another important compress group is Unlock Democracy. This group is also in favour of electrical switch to an electoral system based upon proportional representation and it calls for fair, open and true(p) elections, rights, freedoms and a written constitution, a stronger parliament and accountable government, bringing power closer to the people and a culture of informed political interest and responsibility (Unlock Democracy). Unlock Democracy is entirely owned by its members and similarly to the Electoral Reform Society seeks to provide an outlet for people passionate about electoral reform to campaign in the UK. The most important political party calling for reform along the lines of proportional representation in the UK is the Liberal Democrat Party. The Liberal Democrats have over 60 seats in the House of Commons and are the third largest party in the UK politi cal system and are therefore the most respectable force in favour of proportional representation and the STV system. As Chris Huhne, the suggestion Home Secretary states only the Single Transferable Vote in multi-member seats would abolish MPs meal tickets for life, and we will fight to reanimate this proposal (to an AV system) to give people a real choice for a more significant change (Liberal Democrats). During the recent vote concerning a move towards the alternative vote system the Liberal Democrats put forward an amendment to hold a referendum earlier and on a different voting system, namely the Single Transferable Vote but this was amendment was defeated by 476 to 69 MPs.Chapter 4 Is reform ever going to happen?In this chapter we will examine whether the goal of electoral reform will ever realistically be put into practice. The reform of the UK electoral system to the alternative vote system is highly likely to come into practice for a number of reasons. Firstly, the bill, although it has not yet been made into law, has been approved by a majority of MPs in the House of Commons and a affiance has been made to bring the question of switching to the alternative vote to the general public in a referendum in the autumn of 2011. It was the size of the Commons majority more than any other factor that makes it likely that the AV voting system will become reality. As the Independent pointed out, Gordon Browns platform to hold a referendum next year on scrapping the first-past-the-post system for elections for Westminster won a convincing majority (Independent 2010). In addition to this, the fact that public opinion is largely in favour of electoral reform and the fact that AV is an improvement upon first-past-the-post make it highly likely that there will be a yes vote in the referendum. This will be a victory for the government, which believes that only a set of minor changes is needed in order to improve upon the present system, but that the present syst em should remain more or less intact. However, it is far less likely that the more broad and sweeping reforms advocated by various pressure groups and the Liberal Democrats will come into for

Comparative Industrial Relations Between France Germany And Sweden Management Essay

Comparative industrial relations Between France Germany And Sweden Management Essay The European administrations of industrial dealings exemplified by France, Germany and Sweden atomic number 18 basic aloney similar. Further more, the japanese and U.S. systems of industrial dealing be fundamentally contrary from those strand in the triple European accountries. What is your put match slight across of these body politicments? How do you justify your view?Table of ContentIntroduction 3Main BodySystems of Industrial Relations in France, Germany and Sweden 4 crunch Market 5 patronage confederation 6Employers Association 7 incarnate Bargaining 8Employee Participation and whole kit and boodle Councils 10 g e actuallyplacenment and Regulation 11Comp be Systems of Industrial Relations amidst France, Germany and Sweden and in the United States and lacquer 12 fatigue Market 12Trade Union 14Employers Association 15Collective Bargaining 16Employee Participation and kit and boodle Councils 16Government and Regulation 17 culture 17References 20IntroductionIndustrial traffic generally impress employment relations related airs in the past and present and how the changes happened. It is moral great power and changing all the time (Salamon, 1994, p.3). According to Dunlop (1958), systems of industrial relations admit leash main actors and their representations. The three actors argon employers and their representatives, employees and their representatives and the government. Within these three parties, in that location is bodied dicker which is usually needed between calling sum of money and employers links and in some countries government shadow directly come in joint negotiate patch some elicitnot. Governments subroutines in systems of industrial relations atomic number 18 rattling signifi locoweedt. Dunlop also mentioned that on that point ar factors which can affect the three parties relations, and these factors are foodstuff of boil force and situation of parties. Industrial relations systems move varieties of institutional structures beyond just employer-employee relationship (Hyman, 2000). Because polar countries get to their pitch got unique ways of development, systems of industrial relations should be different among countries. How eer, from a macro point of view, it is claimed that thither is a European systems of industrial relations. The introduction of European Works Councils and the social partners agreement of 1991 are evidence of European industrial relations systems (Jensen et al, as cited in Hyman).In this prove, I impart analyse the European industrial relations systems which demonst regularise by France, Germany and Sweden which get under ones skin some similarities, precisely differ a lot. This essay also addresses the issue that systems of industrial relations in Japan and the United States are fundamentally different from those found in the three European countries.This essay argue s the next in the three European countries, on that point are some similarities on aspects of labour market, employers associations structure, gamy coverage of embodied negociate and the decentralised negociate take aim. However, they differ a lot because the difference of patronage union confederation, union parsimoniousness, reason of lavishly coverage of corporate dicker and decentralised negotiate direct, work councils and government hindrance. There are huge differences between these European countries as a unanimous and Japan and the United States. They are different in terms of labour market, merchandise unions, employers associations, incarnate negotiate, employee participation and plant life councils, and government intervention and regulations.In order to explicate the above arguments, the essay concludes two main sections. In section one, I leave explain the general European background for the three countries, fol wiped out(p)ed by the systems of i ndustrial relations in the three European countries. In section devil, I will analyse differences between the three European countries as a whole and Japan and the United States. Within separately section, the analysis is ground on labour market, shift unions, employers associations, collective negociate, employee participation and work councils, and government intervention and regulations.Main BodySystems of Industrial Relations in France, Germany and SwedenFirstly, there is one thing to be notice, and that is both these three countries are operating on a lower floor a common community-the European Union. Within this European Union framework, they select some common regulation and organisations. For example, the Maastricht Treaty on Monetary Union and European Works Councils Directive of 1994 are break bys of European industrial relations systems (Streeck, 1998, p443-445). Through Maastricht Treaty, member states began to fool their European single currency which they can benefit a lot, such as a more stalls currency, low costs of allot and European identity (Europa.eu, 2010). For the European Works Councils, they need to meet at least once a division to share information and consultation on issues such as frugal and social development (Schulten, 1996). There is evening a trans subject field employers association in Europe.Although there is a common framework for European countries, there are some similarities in the systems of industrial relations in France, Germany and Sweden scarce they differ a lot. This is probably because of path dependency, countries develop towards different directions based on their own situation. I will analyse it from the aspects of labour market, trade unions, employers associations, collective bargaining and employee participation, and government roles and regulations..Labour MarketFrom the table below, we can determine that unemployment rates of 2005 in France and Germany were quite similar and both are around 10 %, while Sweden remained relatively low, at only 5.60%. The functional(a) time in these three countries are similar, around 40 hours per hebdomad.Unemployment rate (2005)Working time (weekly hours)France10.10%38.3Germany10.60%39.9Sweden5.60%40 address unemployment rate-Indexmundi working time-eurofoundTrade Unions astir(predicate) trade union confederation, according to Bean (1994), France, Germany and Sweden represent three different types of confederation. For France, confederation is considered as semi semi policy-making unionism (p.20) because confederations are based on political affiliations and there are five main confederations in France. For example, CGT and CFDT colligate with communist and socialist party separately (Labbe, 1994). Because the five confederations are not for specific industries or occupational groups, there are competitions among those five confederations (Freyssinet, 2003). The consequence type of confederation is the single preponderating confedera tion (DGB) represented by Germany. Since there is only one confederation, confederation competition is not existed in Germany. The third type of confederation is confederations organised by occupational groups which is found in Sweden. There are confederations for blue receive workers, white collar workers and professional/ academic groups (Carley, 2002). This occupational division of confederations kind of follow the premature union formation which was unions organised all workers, skilled and unskilled, who worked with a assumption material (Bean, 1994, p. 27).Union density also differs a lot through these three countries. The union density is 9.1%, 29.7% and 79% for France, Germany and Sweden separately (1999 Eurostat Labour agitate contemplate, as cited in Carley, 2002). What is worth notice is that although union density in France is very low, the mobilisation of cut unions is quite mellow compared with its union social status (Gallie, 1980).Employers AssociationsEmploy ers association is an organisation which is similar with trade union confederation, except that it is in favour of employers instead of employees. Employers associations structure is similar in these three countries. They all welcome a peak employers association which in France is SAF (SN), in Germany is BDA and in Sweden is CNPF (MEDEF) and those peak organisations cover their own entire countries in terms of geography and industries (Bean, 1994). In all the three countries, the peak employers associations do not conduct collective agreements and the member organisations that conduct collective bargaining and conclude collective agreements (Traxler, 2003 Wallerstein, et al, 1997). It is the sectoral employers organisations that sacrifice collective bargaining roles (Carley, 2002). However, the power of these peak organisations, control over member firms and the strength of affiliates are different for France, Germany and Sweden. As you can see from the table below (as cited in T raxler, 1999), for France, the peak organisations power is above middling the control over member firms is average, and the affiliates are weak. For Germany, both peak organisations power and control over member firms are weak while the affiliates are strong. For Sweden, peak organisations power, control over member firms and the affiliates are all exceedingly strong. Although employers associations in Sweden are very powerful, the membership is in low aim compared with membership in France and Germany (Traxler, 2000)CUsersEllenDesktop.jpg.Collective Bargaining provinceCollective bargaining coverage (%)Key level of collective bargainingFrance93Industry towards gild negotiationsSweden90IndustryGermany64Industry(Source doer representation in Europe. Labour Research Department and ETUI-REHS 2007, as cited in worker-participation.eu)As you can see from the table above, all the three countries have high coverage of collective bargaining. Both France and Sweden have high collective bargaining coverage which is above 80%. As discussed before, union density in Sweden is very high. So, we can say that the high coverage of collective bargaining is associated with high union density in Sweden. France has a high coverage of collective bargaining ( exactly a low union density) is in general because its government. Government in France promotes collective bargaining and digests some legislation for that (Bean, 1994, p.76). In Germany, compared with its collective bargaining coverage, its union density is relatively low it is employers associations that visit the coverage of collective bargaining is high (Waddington, 2009).The table also bedeck that the level of bargaining in the three European countries is at constancy level. However, there is a trend of decentralisation of collective bargaining in these three countries. For France, it is the state that tries to drive collective bargaining downwards and there are legal frameworks to encourage bargaining at lower levels (Goetschy and Jobert, 1993, p.162). It is even towards company negotiations now. In Germany, there are agreed forms of opening clauses that dispense with decentralisation happens (Katz, 1993, p.7). Sweden moves from single framework agreement to industrial bargaining with more flexibility and bargaining leverage (Katz, 1993, p.5). For wage bargaining, Germany and Sweden mainly rely on sectoral level, while company level is the key bargaining level for France (Carley, 2002).In general, it can be concluded that collective bargaining is conducted mainly at industry level in those three countries and the bargaining depends on state/ legislation, employers associations or union organisations for France, Germany and Sweden separately.Employee Participation and Works CouncilsThe ways which employee participation and works councils operate in these three countries are different, and with some similarities as well. In Sweden, because most employees are union members (high union den sity), there is no works councils at study separately from trade unions to represent employees and it is trade unions and shop stewards that have similar roles of works councils in other countries (Hammarstrom, 1993). Works councils are uncommitted in both Germany and France, and works councils for both countries are in statutory form (Goetschy and Jobert, 1993 Fuerstenberg, 1993). In Germany, the participation system is considered as harmony of interest between management and labour. (Bean, 1994, p.167). In France, works councils have rights to be informed and consulted intimately general management of the firm, especially on issues related to employees however, they seldom have decision-making power (Goetschy and Jobert, 1993, p. 158). For Germany, expect the rights to information and consultation, works councils also have the right of co-determination, such as on military unit selection and develop and for consultation right, worker representatives can also have some model on outcome (Fuerstenberg, 1993, p. 186-87). For both France and Germany, work councils elect by employees which may or may not from trade unions lists (Carley, 2002). However, it is the duple system in Germany which is there is a nominal separation between institution of workplace participation (works councils) and institutions engaged in collective bargaining (trade unions) (Hassel, 1999). For France, both collective bargaining and institutions of workplace participation (works councils) involve trade unions and trade unions have a formal presence within the workplace (Treu, et al, 1993).Government and RegulationWithin these three countries, states play different roles on collective bargaining. In Germany, there is a very important fundamental principle about collective agreement-Tarifautonomie it is about the state cannot directly interfere in the negotiation arrangement conducted by the employers associations and the trade unions and parties conduct collective agreements are independent (Burgess and Symon, 2005). In contrast to Germany, state intervention is very important in France, and the French state plays some direct role in collective bargaining (Bean, 1994, p.155). The French government always tries to encourage conversation between employers associations and trade unions (Bean, 1994, p.76). The Swedish state is special because just about every economic and social policy issue is discussed between three parties-state, labour and business (Pontusson, 1991 Waddington, 2009). Compared with the other two countries, welfare provision in Sweden is huge with great public expenditure (Castles and McKinlay, 1979).Compare Systems of Industrial Relations between France, Germany and Sweden and in the United States and JapanFrom the analysis above, it can be seen that there few similarities among the three European countries-France, Germany and Sweden. However, when compare those countries with the United States and Japan, they are often considered as Europe and become quite similar. The Japanese and U.S. systems of industrial relations are different from those found in the three European countries. I will also analyse it in terms of labour market, trade unions, employers associations, collective bargaining and employee participation, and government roles and regulations.Labour MarketUnemployment grazeFranceGermanySwedenJapanU.S.200510.1%10.6%5.6%4.7%5.5%20069.911.75.84.45.120078.77.15.64.14.820087.99.06.13.84.6Source Indexmundi.comNickell (1997) once argued that there is no relationship between Europeans rigid job market and the relatively high unemployment rate. However, from the table above, we can see that compared with these European countries, the Unites States which has a more flexible job market has relatively low level of unemployment rate from 2005 to 2008. Japan also has a low unemployment rate.European countriesJapanU.S.Maximum working time/week (by law)France/ Germany48 hoursSweden40 hours40 hours (but usually extension ) No statutory maximum working week (but must receive overtime pay if exceed 40 hours)Average weekly hours by full-time workers (in 2001)France 35.7hoursGermany 37.7hoursSweden38.8hours__42.8 hoursMinimum period of compensable yearbook leave (by law)France 25 daysGermany 20daysSweden 25 days20 daysNo statutory annual leave entitlementActual annual work hours (in 2000)France 1589 hsGermany 1525 hs1970 hs1986 hsSource EIRO Carley, 2004, eurofoundFrom the table above, we can conclude that compared with the three European countries, Japan and the United States generally work more and have little(prenominal) holiday time. It is also argued that Japanese and American workers are more broad and scarper to accept overtime and irregular working time and thence European workers are considered in lower work ethic (Streeck, 1992, p.312).The quality and economic aspects of labour market between the three European countries and Japan and the States are also different. According to Streeck (1 992), there are two distinction of labour market between European countries and the other two countries. The first one is the skilled level of labour. Labour in European countries is identified as high-skill workers, and they also have relatively high advantage and social benefits. The high-skill workers have a strong relation with training schemes in European countries. This also illustrates the difference between LMEs ( ground forces) and CMEs (France, Germany, Sweden and Japan). The apprenticeship system in USA is not strong and has no institutionalised links with the general gentility system while the apprenticeship system is better in CMEs, and especially in Germany which has innovative apprenticeship programmes in both manufacturing and service sectors (Bosch and Charest, 2008, p.429). Bosch and Charest also mentioned that vocational training programmes have minor roles in USA while in Germany, employers, trade unions and government drive occupational training together (p.4 33). Japanese workers persist to be trained on-the-job (Hashimoto, 1979). Japanese workers skills are also in high level but with low transportability which is the second distinction Streeck mentioned. Labour can be easily transportable in European countries and USA but in Japan, labour is firm-specific (p.311) and the low transportability of Japanese workers is mainly cod to lifetime employment (Hashimoto, 1979).Trade UnionsAs mentioned above, Germany has a single dominant confederation (DGB), and this is similar with the United States because it has unified confederal arrangements (AFO-CIO) (Carley, 2004). A noticeable quality of U.S. unionisation is business unionism which focuses on economic aspects of the members and collective bargaining instead of concerning social reorganisation and political activities and it has little direct connections with political parties (Bean, 1994, p.21). For Japan, it is similar with France because its two main confederations are based on poli tical affiliations (Rengo links with left party and Zenroren links with further left party) (Kuwahara, 1993). unrivaled similar trend for those five countries is the decrease on number of trade unions and the merging of trade unions (Carley, 2004). Generally speaking, trade union density is declining in all the five countries trade union density in Japan and USA is lower than the average of it is in those three European countries, but higher than it is in France (see the table below).Country199920002001200220032004200520062007France8.48.38.28.48.2887.97.8Germany25.324.623.723.52322.221.620.719.9Sweden80.679.178787877.376.575.170.8Japan22.221.520.920.319.719.318.818.318.3U.S.13.412.812.812.612.4121211.511.6Source OECD.StatisticsEmployers AssociationsAs mentioned above, all the three European countries have their own national peak employers associations and the subsections of the peak associations conduct collective bargaining. Japan also has a national employers association-the Japa n Federation of Employers Associations (Nikkeriren) which does not engage in collective bargaining and collective bargaining is usually conducted at company level (Bamber and Lansbury, 1993). But, Nikkeriren do have formal conversation with the government and trade unions although Nikkeriren cannot force companies to follow its guidelines, its member associations play a behind role which influence member companies (Carley, 2004). However, this is not the case in the United States. Employers organisations are less important in USA and no national employers confederations have ever been engaged in collective bargaining (Wheeler, 1993).Collective BargainingCountryCoverage of collective bargainingLevel of collective bargainingFrance93%IndustryGermany67%IndustrySweden90%IndustryJapan20%CompanyU.S.15%CompanySource Eurostat Labour Force Survey 2002From the table, we can see that the coverage of collective bargaining in both Japan and USA are very low compared with the three European countr ies. As mentioned before, France, Germany and Sweden have high bargaining coverage depend on the government, employers association and high union density separately. For Japan and USA, the low bargaining coverage matches their low union density (Carley, 2004).The table also demonstrates the level of collective bargaining. For the three European countries, collective bargaining conducts mainly at industry level, whereas for Japan and USA, it happens at company level.It is noticeable that USA employers tend to oppose to unions since mid-1970s, and employers opposition to collective bargaining is more spread in USA than in other countries (Bamber and Lansbury, 1993). In Japan, both unions and employers organisations satisfy with company bargaining because firms rely mainly on internal market and employees tend to stay in the same company (Kuwahara, 1993).Employee Participation and Works Councils opus in France and Germany, there is legislation for exchanging information and cooperation negotiations between employers and employees by law, Swedish trade unions have the rights of information, consultation and co-determination both USA and Japan, there is no legislation for works councils and employee participation, but Japan does have a high level of employee-management cooperation (Carley, 2004).Government and RegulationBecause USA is a typical state of LMEs, government intervention is relatively less compared with it is in CMEs. In France, Germany, Sweden and Japan, there are clear legislations that remain firm collective bargaining, but legislative support of collective bargaining in USA is very limited (Bean, 1994, p.124-26).For new forms of work, such as part-time work and temporary agency workers, European countries tend to regulate them with legislation USA leaves them unregulated and Japan is in between (Carley, 2004).Compared with Japan and USA , European countries provide high level of basic social rights for employees and European industrial relations a lso provide publicly guaranteed status to strong, independent unions both in the industrial and the political arena (Streeck, 1992, p.314).ConclusionThe systems of industrial relations are mainly about the three actors which are employers and their representatives, employees and their representatives and the state. When looking at systems of industrial relations in France, Germany and Sweden as a whole as European countries and comparing them with systems in Japan and the United States, it is believed that the three European countries are similar while fundamentally different from Japan and the United States. However, when compare the three countries separately, they have many differences. Trade union confederations in France, Germany and Sweden are under three different systems-political affiliations, single dominant confederation and divided by occupational groups separately. The high coverage of collective bargaining mainly depends on government, employers associations and high u nion density in France, Germany and Sweden. Sweden has a single channel system and has not works councils at workplaces while works councils are available in France and Germany and in Germany, trade unions and works councils are separated from each other by law, but this is not the case in France French trade unions involve in collective bargaining and have formal presence in workplace.For labour market, Japan and the United States tend to have lower unemployment rate than it is in European countries those European countries workers work less and have more holidays compared with Japan and the United States labour in European countries with wider range of training programmes is in high-skill level while in low-skill level in the United States Japanese workers are also well trained, but the transportability in low compared with it is in European countries and the United States. Trade unions in European countries concern with social issues and have some relations with political activit ies, whereas focus on economic issues and has little relations with political activities. national employers associations are available in Japan and the three European countries, but absent in the United States. Legislative support of collective bargaining is placed in European countries and Japan (CMEs), but limited in the United States (LMEs).Both union density and the coverage of collective bargaining are high in the three European countries while low in Japan and the United States. The bargaining level in European countries is mainly at industrial level, but at company level for Japan and the United States. When there is no legislation on works councils in Japan and the U.S., it is available in European countries. European employees make whoopie higher social rights than employees in Japan and the United States.Word count 3661

The Definition Foster Care Social Work Essay

The Definition adforefrontce C atomic number 18 amicable Work EssayNew World Enclopedia (2012) defines cling to make surface as full-time substitute get by of kidskinren outside their induce cornerst sensation by people other than their biological or rear p atomic number 18nts or jural guardians. fit in to The Ad excerpt Foundation (2012) Foster take means placing a claw in the temporary apprehension of a family other than its own as the dissolver of enigmas or ch e rattlingenges that atomic number 18 taking drive at heart the birth family.Johnson (2004) defines Foster commission as a 24-hour substitute c atomic number 18 for shaverren placed away from their p atomic number 18nts or guardians and for whom the State Agency has spatial relation and divvy up responsibility.To summarise the Foster C be aim is to provide the opportunity to children victims of hat tearing and/or conk out to live in a substitute family on a temporary basis. The role of the cling to levys is to give support to the child and help him to grow physically, activatedly, kindly and spiritually.3.2 History of Foster CargonThe electric razorren economic aid Society (2012) verbalize that status of children in foster stems is a ideal which goes as far back as the Old Testament, which refers to caring for restricted children as a duty under law. Early Christian church building records indicate orphaned children lived with widows who were paid by the church. English Poor Laws in the 1500s allowed the placement of poor children into indentured service until they became adults. This practice was imported to the get together States and was the beginning of placing children into foster substructures. The approximately signifi enkindlet record of foster was in 1853, a child was distant from a workhouse in Cheshire and placed in a foster family under the sub judice contend of the local presidential term. At the beginning of the 1900s only orphaned or cast a side children under the mount up of 11 years were fostered, and they had to remove a demanding psychological profile salutary adjusted, obedient and physically normal.Jeune Guishard-Pine (2007) identified that in 1969 research was carried out on the foster aid corpse and it was piece that foster families required reading on how to deal with the foster children and make them fill unattackable in the placement.3.3 Foster c ar as a global conceptJohnson (2005) emphasize that foster take is close likely the some widely dexterous form of substitute plow for children world-wide, depending on the needs of the child, the culture and the system in place. check to Askeland (2006) at that place are many different kinds of fostering and definitions of foster care vary internationally. It can be short -term, a matter of days ,or a child whole puerility. A followup of foster care in twenty-two countries found considerable multifariousness in the way of fostering in both defined and practised.Mannheim (2002) say that kinship foster care, which is the just about common form of fostering in African countries, is not called foster care in all countries. In Ireland for example only children placed with no relatives are said to be fostered. fit to Colton William (1995) in roughly countries foster care is only seen as a temporary arrangement.Johnson (2005) stated that the procedures to be registered as foster parents in different countries much(prenominal)(prenominal) as coupled Kingdom, Australia, Uganda and South Africa are similar. In some countries foster care programme is managed either by the regime or an agency, and each country has their own basic criteria that should be fulfilled, such as be physically and psychically fit and healthy, having a room for the child ,having time to spend with the child. According to Blatt (2000), the process to be registered as foster families can take approximately six months or to a greater extent. Individuals who are leading to be begin foster families must make their applications to the agency. A foot study is conducted by a loving worker to assess the energy of the applicants for taking care of a child. The assessment form is then forwarded to a panel who gives the approval.3.4 Placement in Foster careAccording to (Blatt 2000 Zuravin Deponfilis 1997), children are removed from their homes to protect them from curses. These children keep back pay offed physical, knowledgeable abuse, or neglect at home, before they are transferred to a secure milieu. Some children are abandoned by their parents or legal guardians, or put up parents or legal guardians who are unable to take care of them because they experience financial difficulties, some are alcoholics, others are irresponsible. These children are then placed into foster care until the parents or guardians are capable of taking the parental responsibility.Elisa et al (2010), states that in all foster care cases, the childs b iological or adoptive parents, or other legal guardians, momentarily gives up legal appreciation of the child. The guardian gives up custody, besides not necessarily legal guardianship. A child whitethorn be placed in foster care with the parents agreement. In a clear case of abuse or neglect, a court can order a child into foster care without the parents or guardians consent.Duncan and Shlonsky (2008) emphasizes that before any placement the foster care family is screened by the Government or agency through a psychologist or social worker that assess the foster care families under certain criteria such as emotional stability, motivation, parental skills and financial capabilities. Elisa et al (2010) states that the government provides foster families with an allocation taking in foster children. The foster parents are required to use the funds to buy the childs food, clothing, school supplies, and other incidentals. nigh of the foster parents responsibilities toward the foster c hild are cl aboriginal set in legal documents.According to Blatt (2000), foster placements may last for a iodin day or several weeks some continue for years. If the parents give up their rights permanently, or their rights to their child are disgustfuld by the court, the foster family may adopt the foster child or the child may be placed for adoption by strangers.3.3.1 The Aim of Foster Care agreementAccording to Hayden (1999), the aim of foster care system is to protect and affirm the security of the child, while providing foster parents and biological parents with the sufficient resources and available service needed to maintain the childs healthy reading. Foster care surroundingss are proposed to be places of safety and comfort, and are monitored by several welfare agencies, representatives, and caseworkers. Personal caseworkers appoint to a foster child by the state or county are accountable for supervising the placement of the child into an appropriate foster care sys tem or home. The National Conference of State Legislatures (2006), states that the caseworker alike carries out regular visits to the foster care family home to monitor progress. opposite agents involved in a childs placement into foster care may allow private service providers, welfare agencies, insurance agents, psychologists, and subject matter abuse counselors.3.3.2 Types of Foster CareAmbrosino et al (2008), emphasis that parents may voluntarily place children into foster care for various reasons. Such foster placements are monitored until the biological family can provide appropriate care for the child, or the biological parental rights are terminated and the child is adopted. Legal Guardianship, is a third option which can be used in cases where the child cannot be reunited with their biological family and adoption is not a suitable option. The Guardianship option most commonly occurs for older children aged 10years old onwards, who are strongly bonded to their biological parents.Geen (2003) mentions that voluntary foster care can be utilised when the parents are unable or unwilling to care of a child a child may suffer from demeanoral or psychological problems and requires narrow word. Involuntary foster care is applied when the child is in jeopardy and should be removed from the family to be put in a secure place.(Blatt 2000 Bath 2010Moe 2007) mention different types of fostering(i) Foster family home, relative A licensed or unlicensed home of the childs relatives regarded by the state as a foster care victuals arrangement for the child.(ii) Foster family home, non-relative A licensed foster family home regarded by the state as a foster care living arrangement.(iii)Group home or Institution A group home is a licensed or approved home providing 24-hour care for children in a small group setting that in the main has from 7 to twelve children. An Institution is a facility operated by a public or private agency and providing 24-hour care and/ or treatment for children who require separation from their own homes and group living experience. These facilities may include child care institutions, residential treatment facilities, or maternity homes.Associated Problems with Foster Care SystemAccording to Mannhein (2002) stated that in the United States, placement success rate was 40% and failure rate was 60%.From sooner studies carried out, Children and Family Research Center (2004), Proch Taber (1985), there are many associated problems with the foster care system that leads to the removal of the child from the foster care home such as time of placement in the foster care family, characteristics of home, foster parents characteristics and child characteristics.According to a study carried by Mannhein (2002) in the United States, placement success rate was 40% and failure rate was 60%. Fernadez and Bath (2010) states,that foster children face a number of problems both in spite of appearance and outside the foster care sys tem. Foster children are more loose to neglect, abuse, family dysfunction, poverty, and severe psychological conditions. The di speech pattern caused to a child when removed from their home is besides severe and may cause depression, anger, and confusion. Psychological conditions of maltreated and omit children are required to improve when placed in foster care, til now the separation from their biological parents cause scathetic effect on the child.3.3.4 eon of Placement in Foster Care familyAccording to Bremner Wachs ( 2010) many studies which has been carried out show that demeanour of the child is the strongest predictor of placement disperseion and is one of the main reasons foster parents request removal the children from Foster Families. Newton et al (2000) confirms that children showing sign of behaviours such as dissolute, aggressive or stern behaviour in the foster homes are requested to be removed from Foster Families. Zandberg Van der Meulen,(2002) study sh ow that behaviour becomes a sarcastic issue for foster placements for children over the age of 4 years.Webb et al, (2010) states, that children are more prone to experience insecurity in the foster home during the sign phase of placement and the first six months of a placement are crucial as 70 % of removal of foster children occur deep down this period. According to Whittaker et al (2010) older children experience more placement dissymmetry during the initial phase compared to infants and older girls are at the highest risk of placement disruptions than boys.3.3.5 Characteristics of the HomeBerridge Cleaver, (1987) stated that children have difficulty to adapt in foster home when they are placed with other children who are roughly the alike age or if they are placed in foster homes where the foster parents have children of their own. Foster Children placed with other children may feel dangerous and start competing for affection and materialistic objects so fartually this le ads to conflicts in the foster care family.3.3.6 Foster Parent CharacteristicsAccording to Walsh Walsh (1990) to deal with a childs problem behaviour is mostly related to the Foster Parents character and sense of dread. Doelling and Johnson (1990) states that the other most predictive characteristics of foster parents is their goodness of fit with a child including a match witaments and having a relationship that is described as close. Butler Charles (1999) alike state that a mismatch in temperament between a foster parents who is inflexible and a child with negative mood will offspringually lead to disruption.Walsh and Walsh (1990) study also shows that for a placement to be successful the foster parents should be motivated, they should accept the child, they should feel the desire to parent the child and they should be motivated by their own childhood experience. According to Fine (1993), Social Support in foster family is important to proscribe placement disruption and fost er parents who have good relationship with their family and friends are more likely to be successful.3.3.7 Child CharacteristicsAccording to Children and Family Research (2004), the behaviour of a child is closely think to placement disruptions. As stated by Lindheim Dozier (2007) foster parents do not understand the behavioural problems of the child and finally they request removal of the child from their custody. The behaviour of the child is a result of the child characteristics i.e the background of the child. Foster children are more uncovered to neglect, abuse, family dysfunction, poverty, and severe psychological conditions. The harm caused to a child when removed from their home is also severe and may cause depression, anger, and confusion.Psychological Trauma in ChildrenPsychological suffering is a type of ravish to the mind that occurs as a result of a severely di instruction experience. When that di tautness leads to complaints , damage possibly will involve phys ical changes inside the nous and to drumhead chemistry, which modifies the persons reation to future stress.A scathetic event involves a single experience, or an enduring or recurring event or events, that fully prevail over the individuals capacity to deal with or integrate the ideas and emotions involved with that experience. The sense of be overwhelmed can be delayed by weeks, years or even decades, as the person fights back to cope with the abrupt detail. Psychological wound can lead to serious long-term negative consequences that are practically overlooked even by mental health professionalsTrauma can be caused by a wide range of events, but there are a few general aspects .There is, putting the person in a state of tremendous puzzlement and lack of confidence. Psychological trauma may accompany physical trauma or exist seperately of it. The coarse causes and dangers of psychological trauma are sexual abuse , domestic abandon, being the victim of an alcoholic parent, particularly in childhood. Long-term exposure to situation such as original poverty or milder forms of abuse, such as verbal abuse, can be traumatic.Psychological trauma may pop off during a single traumatic event or as a result of repeated ( continuing) exposure to overwhelming stress (Terr, 1992). Children assailable to chronic trauma normally have considerably worse effect than those exposed to severe accidental traumas. In addition, the failure of caregivers to satisfactorily protect a child may be experienced as betrayal and encourage supply to the adversity of the experience and effects of trauma. Acute psychological trauma causes impairment of the neuroendocrine systems in the consistence. excessive stress triggers the fight or flight survival response, which activate the sympathetic and suppresses the parasympathetic vile system. crowd or flight responses increase cortisol levels in the central nauseating system, which enable the individual to take action to survive (either dissociation, hyperarousal or both), but which at extreme levels can cause alterations in brain outgrowth and damage of brain cells. In children, high levels of cortisol can disrupt cell speciality, cell migration and critical aspects of central nervous system integration and functioning. Trauma affects basic regulatory processes in the brain stem, the limbic brain (emotion, memory, regulation of arousal and affect), the neocortex (perception of ego and the world) as well as integrative functioning across various systems in the central nervous system.Traumatic experiences are stored in the childs body/mind, and fear, arousal and dissociation associated with the lord trauma may continue after the threat of danger . maturement of the capacity to control affect may be destabilized or stop by trauma, and children exposed to severe or chronic trauma may demonstrate symptoms of mood swings, impulsivity, emotional irritability, anger and aggression, anxiety, depression and d issociation. Early trauma, in the main trauma at the hands of a caregiver, can distinctly characterize a childs perception of self, trust in others and perception of the world.Children who experience severe early trauma practicallytimes develop a foreshortened sense of the future. They come to anticipate that life will be dangerous, that they may not survive,and as a result, they give up hope and expectations for themselves that reach into the future (Terr, 1992).Among the most demoralizing effects of early trauma is the disruption of the childs individuation and differentiation of a separate sense of self. Disintegration of the developing self occurs in response to stress that overwhelms the childs confine capacities for self regulation. Survival becomes the focus of the childs interactions and activities and adapting to the demands of their environment takes priority. Traumatized children lose themselves in the course of handling with ongoing threats to their survivalthey can not commit to trust, relax or fully look at their own feelings, ideas or bear ons. Characterlogical development is shaped by the childs experiences in early relationships (Johnson, 1987). Young trauma victims often come to believe there is something naturally wrong with them, that they are at fault, unlovable, hateful,helpless and unworthy of protection and love. Such feelings lead to poor selfimage, self abandonment, and self destructiveness. Eventually, these feelings may create a victim state of body mind spirit that leaves the child/adult vulnerable to subsequent trauma and revictimization.Acute trauma in early childhood affects all bailiwick of development, including cognitive, social, emotional, physical, psychological and moral development. The pervasive negative effects of early trauma result in earthshakingly higher levels of behavioral and emotional problems among abused children than non-abused children.In addition, children exposed to early trauma due to abuse or ne glect lag behind in school readiness and school performance, they have diminished cognitive abilities, and many go on to develop substance abuse problems, health problems and serious mental health disorders. Serious emotional and behavioral difficulties include depression, anxiety, aggression, conduct disorder, sexualized behavior, eating disorders,somatization and substance abuse. Early childhood trauma contributes to negative outcomes in adolescence, including dropping out of school, substance abuse, and early sexual activity, increasing the occurrence of sexually transmitted diseases, early pregnancies and previous(p) parenting. Early childhood trauma contributes to adverse adult outcomes as well, including depression, speckletraumatic stress disorder, substance abuse, health (Harris, Putnam Fairbank,2004).Although the effects of child abuse and neglect vs. family environmental andgenetic factors have been debated, recent twin studies confirm a significant causalrelationship be tween child abuse and major psychological medicine (Kendler, Bulik, Silberg,Hettema, Myers Prescott, 2000). Acute trauma in early childhood seems to set in motion a chain of events , a negative path that places those children who have the highest exposure and a less positive mediating or ameliorating factors at greatest risk of significant debilitating effect on development and increased occurrence of psychological medicine (Perry, 1997, 1999, 2001 Eth Pynoos, 1985 Pynoos, 1994).The Adverse childhood Experiences Study (1998)carried a study where researchers mailed questionnaires to over 13,000 people who had freshly had medical workups at the Southern California Permanente Groupin San Diego. These patients were asked about their experiences with any of seven categories of childhood trauma psychological, physical, or sexual abuse violence against the mother or living with household members who had problems with substance abuse, mental illness, were ever imprisoned or committed su icide. Over 9,000 patients responded. Among those who reported even one such exposure, there were straightforward increases in a awful range of disorders, together with substance abuse, depression, suicide, and sexual promiscuity, as well as increased incidences of heart disease, cancer, chronic lung disease, extreme obesity, skeletal fractures and liver disease.In summary, experience to extreme traumatic stress affects people at many levels of functioning somatic, emotional, cognitive, and behavioral (e.g., vander Kolk, 1988 Kroll, Habenicht, McKenzie, 1989 Cole Putnam, 1992 Herman,1992b, van der Kolk et al., 1993). Childhood trauma sets the stage for a variety of disorders, such lay traumatic stress disorders,eating disorder, wariness deficient hyperactivity disorder,oppositional defiant disorder,pervasive disorder,attachment disorder.(Herman, Perry, van derKolk, 1989 Ogata, Silk, Goodrick, Lohr, Westen Hill, 19893.4 Disorders with the Foster ChildThe Northwest Foster Care A lumni Study (2012) on foster care children showed that foster care children, were found to have double the incidence of depression, and were found to have a higher rate of post-traumatic stress disorder (posttraumatic stress disorder) than fighting veterans. In long term the foster care children suffer from psychopathology and cognitive disorders.3.4.1 Psychopathology Disorders with ChildAccording to Barkley and Mash (1996), child psychopathology is the manifestation of psychological disorders in children and adolescents. Some examples of psychopathology are post traumatic stress, attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, and pervasive developmental disorders.3.4.1.1 Post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)Cash (2006) states that posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is an emotional illness that that is classified ad as an anxiety disorder and unremarkably develops as a result of a terribly frightening, life-threatening, or otherwise highly unsafe exper ience. PTSD victims re-experience the traumatic event or events in some way, tend to block places, people, or other things that remind them of the event , and are exquisitely stark naked to normal life experiences (hyperarousal). According to Dubber (1999) 60% of children in foster care who were sexually abused had post traumatic stress disorder ( PTSD). 18% of children who were not abused faced PTSD just by witnessing violence at home. The symptoms of post traumatic stress disorder are tabulated down the stairsTable 3. 1 Symptoms Post Traumatic Stress Disorder reliving the Traumatic eventAvoidance and NumbingIncreased Anxiety and horny ArousalIntrusive, upsetting memories of the eventAvoiding activities, places, thoughts, or feelings that remind you of the trauma problem falling or staying asleepFlashbacks ( acting or feeling like the event is happening again)Inability to remember important aspects of the traumaIrritability or outbursts of angerNightmares (either of the event o r of other frightening things)Loss of interest in activities and life in general hindrance concentratingFeelings of intense melancholy when reminded of the traumaFeeling detached from others and emotionally numbHypervigilance (on constant red alert)Intense physical reactions to reminders of the event (e.g. pounding heart, rapid breathing, nausea, muscle tension, excreteSense of a limited future (you dont expect to live a normal life span, get married, have a career)Feeling rocky and comfortably startledIntrusive, upsetting memories of the eventAvoiding activities, places, thoughts, or feelings that remind you of the trauma3.4.1.2 Attention Deficient Hyper Activity DisorderMillichap (2010) , defines attention deficit-hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) as a psychiatric disorder and it is characterized by either significant difficulties of disrespect or hyperactivity and impulsiveness or a combination of the two. ADHD impacts school-aged children and results in restlessness, acting imp ulsively, and lack of focus which impairs their ability to learn properly. It is the most commonly canvass and diagnosed psychiatric disorder in children, affecting about 3 to 5 percent of children globally.Robin (1998) has listed some of the symptoms of Attention deficit-hyperactivity disorder are inattention, hyperactivity, disruptive behavior and impulsivity. Academic difficulties are also common signs of ADHD. According to Ramsay et al (2008), the symptom categories yield three potential classifications of ADHD-predominantly inattentive type, predominantly hyperactive-impulsive type, or combined type if criteria for both subtypes are met. The table below shows the Attention Deficient Hyper Activity Disorder SymptomsPredominantly inattentive SymptomsPredominantly hyperactive-impulsive SymptomsImpulsivity SymptomsBe substantially distracted, miss details, forget things,Fidget and squirm in their putBe very impatient lease difficulty maintaining focus on one laborTalk nonstopBl urt out improper comments, show their emotions without restraint, and act without regard for consequencesBecome bored with a task after only a few minutes, unless doing something enjoyableDash around, signature or playing with anything and everything in sightHave difficulty postponement for things they want or waiting their turns in gamesHave difficulty focusing attention on organizing and completing a task or nurture something new or dread completing or turning in homework assignments, often losing things (e.g., pencils, toys, assignments) needed to complete tasks or activitiesHave trouble sitting still during dinner, school, and story timeNot seem to learn when spoken toBe constantly in motionDaydream, become easily confused, and move slowlyHave difficulty doing quiet tasks or activitiesHave difficulty processing information as quickly and accurately as othersFidget and squirm in their seatsStruggle to follow instruction manual3.4.1.3 Oppositional defiant disorderMatthys W Lochman J (2010), defines oppositional defiant disorder ( strange) as an ongoing pattern of anger guided disobedience, hostilely defiant behavior toward authority figures which goes beyond the bounds of normal childhood behavior. People may appear very stubborn and often untamed.Freeman et al (2006), also listed some common features of oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) as persistent anger, sponsor temper tantrums or angry outbursts and well as disregard for authority. Children and adolescents with ODD often purposely annoy others, blame others for their own mistakes, and are easily disturbed. The table below shows the signs and symptoms of Oppositional Defiant Disorder.Signs and Symptoms of Oppositional Defiant Disorder (lasting at least 6 months, during which four or more are present)Symptomsoften loses temperoften argues with adultsoften actively defies or refuses to comply with adults requests or rulesoften deliberately annoys peopleoften blames others for his or her mistake s or misbehavioris often touchy or easily annoyed by othersis often angry and resentfulis often spiteful or vindictive3.4.1.4 distributive developmental DisorderWaltz M (2003), defines Pervasive developmental disorders,( PDDP, as a group of conditions that involve delays in the development of many basic skills, most notably the ability to socialize with others, to communicate, and to use imagination.Malmone Quinn (2004) also states that these conditions are usually identified in children around 3 years of age a critical period in a childs development. Although the condition begins far earlier than 3 years of age, parents often do not notice the problem until the child is a toddler who is not walking, talking, or developing as well as other children of the same age and four types of Pervasive Development Disorders have been identified Autism, Apergers Syndrome, Childhood disintegrative disorder and Retts syndrome.According to Volkmar (2007), children with autism have problems with social interaction, pretend play, and communication. They also have a limited range of activities and interests. Many (nearly 75%) of children with autism also have some peak of mental retardation.Malonne Quinn (2004), stated that children with Aspergers syndrome have difficulty with social interaction and communication, and have a narrow range of interests. However, children with Aspergers have average or higher up average intelligence, and develop normally in the areas of language and cognition (the mental processes related to thinking and learning). Volkmar (2007) also stated that children with Aspergers often also have difficulty concentrating and may have poor coordination.Waltz (2003) stated that children with Childhood disintegrative disorder begin their development normally in all areas, physical and mental. At some point, usually between 2 and 10 years of age, a child with this illness loses many of the skills he or she has developed. In addition to the loss of social a nd language skills, a child with disintegrative disorder may lose control of other functions, including intestine and bladder control.According to Goldstein Reynolds (2011), Children suffering from Retts Syndrome which is a very rare disorder have the symptoms associated with a PDD and also suffer problems with physical development. They generally suffer the loss of many motor or movement skills such as walking and use of their hands and develop poor coordination. This condition has been linked to a defect on the X chromosome, so it almost endlessly affects girls.The table below summarises the commonplace Symptoms in Pervasive Developmental DisordersGeneral Symptoms in Pervasive Developmental DisordersDifficulty with verbal communication, including problems using and understanding languageDifficulty with non-verbal communication, such as gestures and facial expressionsDifficulty with social interaction, including relating to people and to his or her surroundingsUnusual ways of playing with toys and other objectsDifficulty adjusting to changes in routine or familiar surroundings repetitious body movements or patterns of behavior, such as hand flapping, spinning, and head bangingChanging response to sound the child may be very sensitive to some noises and seem to not hear others.Temper tantrumsDifficulty sleepingAggressive behaviourFearfulness or anxiety eat DisordersHudson et al (2007) defines eating disorders refer to a group of conditions defined by abnormal eating habits that may involve either insufficient or excessive food intake to the detriment of an individuals physical and mental health. According to Hadfield (2008), obesity in

Marketing Politico

merchandi blunderg political leaderiticoINTRODUCCINActualmente nos preocupamos en asociar la marca de un producto o servicio see la imagen del mismo somos crticos en este sentido que hasta, muchas veces sin querer, evaluamos las campaas que se hayan desarrollado parity bit estos mismos y vemos como nos influencian las distintas publicidades que se realizan en los medios. Todo esto bitelleva a un trmino, el market, el cual ayuda a liftocer lo que verdaderamente deoceann las personas y como hacer que ellas nos elijan entre las dems.Es as que nace el trade political leaderiticotico, que competente a la investigacin exhaustiva que se puede dar parity bittrooper generar un intention, una buena imagen pblica, un buen departamento de merchandise de un partido e innumerables caractersticas que se ven involucradas en este tema de mucha importancia para el triunfo electoral y la continuidad del mismo.En esta monografa tendremos conocimiento de informacin importante. Como pode mos comprobarlo desde el fuze captulo, el cual es referente al market poltico en s, luego un pequeo contraste que se dar con el marketing comercial y tambin la especializacin o profesionalizacin de los asesores de campaa caracterizando en ellos tres rasgos importantes a detallar.Continuando con ello se explicar cmo es la organizacin del departamento de Marketing en un partido poltico y como es que se debe llevar para que las estrategias que se quieran aplicar se puedan hacer. Todo ello nos ser fcil de entender mediante los diversos grficos que se preast southeastntarn, conociendo las necesidades a nivel de servicios ejecutivos y de servicios de asesora, en el departamento antes mencionado.Le sigue el tercer captulo en el cual se abarcan las tcnicas de venta poltica, el cual ayudar al candidato, o, si es mal aplicada puede no favorecerlo, sobre todo este ltimo se puede dar si existe algn tipo de negativismo sea en el partido, en el mercado poltico o en el mismo candidato es recome ndable que se sepa vender en actos pblicos.Seguidamente le acompaa a las tcnicas de venta poltica el cuarto captulo importante que es la publicidad poltica, donde explica lo mas importante en la publicidad de un partido que es el mensaje que debe vender al pblico y seguidores, junto a los diseos visuales y los medios que se usaran para hacer de la publicidad su fuerte en las elecciones que participen cabe recalcar que en el mundo moderno y cambiante en que vivimos no lo podemos dejar de lado o incluirlo en otra parte como si no fuera trascendental. La publicidad en la Internet es muy importante e influyente ms an en las redes sociales.Finalmente el quinto captulo el cual es un complemento de los captulos anteriores, en el cual se encontrar informacin complementaria sobre las campaas electorales. Tambin se describir la publicidad que se debe utilizar junto con estrategias de campaa a desarrollar en este mismo se insertarn muchas de las ideas mencionadas a lo largo de la monografa.A t ravs de este trabajo se entender el marketing poltico desde sus conceptos hasta su explicacin del porque se da. Como por ejemplo nos recuerdan que el marketing poltico es un juego disputado en la mente del elector. Quien gana ese juego, triunfa en la poltica. (Zepeda, 2002)CAPTULO I. MARKETING politicianTICOEl Marketing se enfoca en el anlisis de los gustos que realmente tienen los consumidores pretendiendo establecer sus necesidades y deseos generando as una influencia en el comportamiento y sobre todo en las decisiones que estos desean realizar. (Microsoft Student, 2010)Siendo ello tambin se afirma que el marketing poltico es un producto de la segunda mitad del siglo XX cabe precisar que en su mayora los autores nos mencionan ni explican una definicin exacta referente al Marketing pues estos se evocan mas en las tcnicas y estrategias que se pueden dar, para as obtener las necesidades y gustos (no siempre reales) de las personas y satisfacerlos con estas tcnicas o estrategias tam bin sirve para generar nuevas necesidades.Sin trade embargo se puede inferir que el marketing poltico es el conjunto de todas estas tcnicas de investigacin, planificacin y comunicacin que nos mencionan pero aplicadas hacia una campaa poltica con las tcticas correspondientes para las elecciones.1.1. MARKETING polITCO VS MARKETING COMERCIALAntiguamente se crea que el marketing poltico y el comercial eran iguales sin embargo luego de anlisis se pudo inferior que son distintos y no se puede decir que es igual pero s similares.Si bien es cierto en los commonwealth tipos se tiene que ofrecer algo hacia unas personas y ayudarse de estrategias para que acepten en el primer caso a un candidato y en el segundo a un producto o servicio.La persuasin que las personas tengan hacia los candidatos es distinta debido a que cada uno piensa desde diferentes enfoques, pues al candidato que elijan estar en un cargo determinado por un periodo mnimo (como si fuera un contrato forzoso) y el producto o s ervicio si ya no lo desean lo pueden cambiar o descartar cuando quieran.1.2. ESPECIALIZACINCon el transcurrir del tiempo los especialistas en el marketing poltico se han ido implementando en ciertos partidos polticos, como es de saberse antes se tenan miembros del partido en cargos importantes sin embargo estos no eran los ms idneos para el cargo que le correspondiera. Dado los partidos se dieron cuenta que necesitaban gente ms especializada se inicio la seleccin de personas en cargos que necesitan tener conocimientos fundamentales.En ello se seleccionaba a los especialistas en marketing y tambin en marketing poltico (en ese entonces eran pocos) con lo que se fueron especializando en dicha rama poltica y todo ello avanzando a la par con la tecnologa de las comunicacin y se especializan en cada etapa especifica de la campaa que desarrollen.Es por ello que Lourdes Martn nos comenta que hay tres rasgos que caracterizan la profesionalizacin del marketing poltico la especializacin, la au sencia de afiliacin o lealtad partidista y la existencia de formacin ajena al partido para aprender el oficio (Salgado, 2002)CAPITULO 2. ORGANIZACIN DEL DEPARTAMENTO DE MARKETING DE UN PARTIDO POLTICOComo vimos en el captulo anterior, referente a la especializacin, donde se tiene mucha importancia con el tipo de persona que integre los cargos del partido es lo que conlleva a generarle mayor importancia a la organizacin del partido y sobre todo en el departamento de Marketing donde debe estar todo integrado y contar con diversa acciones y tcnicas.En este departamento debe de esta formador por ciertos servicios ejecutivos y tambin unos de asesora (tal como lo vemos en la Ilustracin 1) entre los servicios ejecutivos encontramos el servicio de Anlisis Electoral, de Actos Pblicos, de Publicidad poltica, de Relaciones Pblicas y Comunicacin, de Formacin y Entrenamiento, de Logstica y el Servicio Financiero dentro del servicio de Asesora se encuentra el Servicio de Asesora Jurdica, de Info rmacin y Documentacin y tambin el Servicio de Planificacin y Control.Ilustracin 1Organizacin del Departamento de Marketing politicianticoFuente (Saiz, Marketing Poltico, 2003)2.1. SERVICIO DE ANLISIS ELECTORALEn este servicio se tiene que verificar la informacin, que esta sea correcta, para que se pueda lograr el objetivo cuando se tomen las decisiones. Por lo cual se dan funciones importantes como es el analizar los perfiles tipo de los electores, establecer con ello los segmentos del mercado meta ayudndose de los maskeses del partido, tambin se encarga de prever la cantidad de votos que puede tener en determinadas elecciones.Todo ello se puede ver en la organizacin de este servicio de anlisis, que tiene como consecuencia la produccin, documentacin, investigacin de campo y los servicios comunes que se reflejan en la ilustracin 2 donde nos damos cuenta que se relacionan debido a que uno es consecuente al otro.Ilustracin 2Servicio de Anlisis ElectoralFuente (Saiz, Marketing Poltico , 2003)2.1.1. PRODUCCINEn el servicio de anlisis Electoral se tiene que iniciar por la produccin, dentro del cual se detallan tres partes muy importantes de esta rea si as la deseamos llamar, primero, el planificar, luego, el ejecutar y por ltimo el analizar.Iniciando la Produccin se debe planificar todo lo que se va a realizar referente al estudio de mercado junto con las tcnicas y mtodos que se usaran, las personas que lo realizaran, cunto demandara, cundo se realizar (todo previamente cronometrado en el tiempo), textilees que se necesitarn y usarn, y, las instrucciones a los entrevistadores (con ayuda de materiales grficos que faciliten el entendimiento).Seguidamente se da la ejecucin de lo planeado anteriormente en dos partes la objective y la de investigacin en la primera se realizan estudios estadsticos en cual nos brinden informacin sobre la parte interna y externa del partido poltico en segunda parte se ve el anlisis del campo lo que se obtuvo gracias a los cuestionarios, e valuando la muestra de los potenciales electores.Finalmente en la produccin se analizan los resultados que se obtuvieron en todos los procesos para que se pueda informar debidamente al handler del departamento, dando una copia al rea de asesora (servicio de informacin y documentacin) para que den ideas en las acciones de marketing a tomar por el partido en este informe se adjuntaran los grficos, aportes adicionales y memorndum con las recomendaciones.2.1.2. DOCUMENTACINEsta rea est encargada de verificar como es que va el candidato mediante los sondeos, ya sea interna o externamente. Cabe recalcar que dicha informacin debe estar archivada y correctamente ordenada para que si posteriormente otra rea necesite la informacin la pueda tomar con facilidad para analizar las estrategias.Tambin es su obligacin de tener informacin de otras fuentes ya sean pblicas o privadas que demuestren valores importantes para el partido poltico.2.1.3. INVESTIGACIN DE CAMPOEsta es el rea ms importante, pu esto que es la que se dedica a analizar los resultados que se puedan obtener del mercado electoral su trabajo est subdividido en dos reas, la cualitativa, sobre las reuniones en grupo que realizan y la cuantitativa sobre los distintos sondeos de opinin para que obtengan datos estadsticos. Normalmente se tienen de uno a dos responsables de todo el trabajo (vase ilustracin 3), siendo las encuestas realizadas preferentemente por personas del partido (para que no tergiversen los datos).Ilustracin 3Trabajo de campoFuente (Barranco Saiz, 2003)2.1.4. SERVICIOS COMUNESSon los cuales les corresponden a todos los grupos pues es acerca de los cuestionarios y los resultados que estos puedan otorgar para poder prever los votos que se puedan obtener en las elecciones.2.2. SERVICIOS DE ACTOS PBLICOSSe da en tres actividades concretas, la primera es la Planificacin de los actos pblicos, en el cual se tienen que verificar, evaluar y designar todo que est relacionado con el mitin programando una espe cie de agenda o fichero donde se detalle los lugares disponibles para el mismo. Cabe recalcar que el orden de prioridad de los locales se da de forma ascendente para los que estn completamente disponibles y gratuitos. Tambin se encuentra la planificacin de necesidades de materiales que contribuyan con la presentacin del local y lo correspondiente a la obtencin de permisos y autorizaciones para poder realizar estos encuentros pblicos.La Ejecucin es la segunda actividad que se realiza en este campo el cual consta de la comprobacin de lo que se realiz en la primera actividad verificar si la informacin es real. Esta persona ser el jefe del acto especfico que se realice y tendr que coordinar con miembros del partido que residan en el lugar donde se realizara el mitin.Entre los servicios de actos pblicos se encuentran los servicios especiales se le denomina as puesto que tienen por misin controlar todo el desarrollo del evento como la seguridad, el orden (interno y externo al local), la v enta de objetos relacionados al partido, ubicacin de los asistentes y la organizacin de los oradores.2.3. SERVICIOS DE PUBLICIDAD POLTICASe basa en los estudios que haya realizado el servicio de Anlisis conforme a la evaluacin a los electores sobre el partido y acerca de los que compite. Tiene grupos de trabajo el primero es la planificacin en la cual se determinan los objetivos publicitarios y la campaa a nivel nacional, regional o local junto con las fechas de plazos a realizar y el presupuesto.Otros grupos del servicio de publicidad poltica se encuentran los Medios son los que adecuan los deseos hacia los medios que se tienen y contratando la aparicin de la publicidad en distintos medios. Continuando la produccin se encarga de hacer realidad lo que se planific pues su jade es poner la campaa en marcha con el material necesario para ello. Y por ltimo el Control es el que controla la campaa tcnicamente pues verifica lo que se publicar y cundo se realizar.2.4. SERVICIO DE RELACIONE S PBLICAS Y COMUNICATIVASTiene tres actividades principales como el mantenimiento del banco de datos de medios de comunicacin social, en el cual se ve la base de informacin actual de la prensa en fichas explicativas. La siguiente actividad es la relacin con dichos medios en los cuales se tienen los contactos y actos pblicos sobre el candidato para luego publicarlo. Y por ltimo la redaccin de textos electorales que tengan inters en la campaa electoral que se realiza y creacin de nuevos artculos que se podrn enviar a distintos medios adecundolo a las caractersticas del mercado electoral.2.5. SERVICIO DE FORMACIN Y ENTRENAMIENTOIlustracin 4Servicio de Formacin y EntrenamientoFuente (Barranco Saiz, 2003)CAPITULO 3. TCNICAS DE VENTA POLTICAEn este captulo como el titulo menciona se abordar acerca de las tcnicas de venta poltica que sern utilizadas por el candidato para que pueda convencer a las personas a que lo elijan (que voten por l), aplicadas tambin en lugares pblicos tambin cuenta la imagen que darn en debates o reuniones pblicas todo ello puede maximizar los votos como tambin contraerlos.La reduccin de los votantes se da por algn tipo de negativismo que se d, ya sea por parte del partido en s, pudiendo ser por la mala imagen que puedan estar dando en ese momento ms que nada por ideas que no concuerden con la realidad o necesidades de los votantes tambin puede ser el negativismo del mercado poltico por ideas que el elector crea sobre el partido pero como no se las resolvieron tiene cierto rechazo por el mismo o tambin porque cree que no concuerdan con sus ideas. Por ltimo se puede dar el negativismo del mismo candidato, el cual se da frecuentemente, sea un negativismo verbal en el cual tiene problemas de comunicacin oral o con ciertas frases no motiva al pblico, tambin puede darse un negativismo fsico con los gestos que pueden afectar al pblico.3.1. TCNICA AIDAEsta tcnica cuenta con cuatro fases bien definidas, las cuales son la de atencin, inters, deseo y ac cin para poder tener la nocin de dicha tcnica podemos ver en la ilustracin 5 lo que conllevan los niveles como la captacin de la atencin, captacin del inters, logro del deseo, remate de la accin. Todo ello relacionado con la preparacin del discurso los mtodos a usar y el contraste que se da en muchos momentos.La fase de atencin es el intentar captar toda la atencin posible hacia l psicolgicamente puesto que la atencin fsica que pueda tener siempre es momentnea preparando as los discursos ideales para la captacin del votante con temas de inters y enfocado al grupo social que va dirigido en ese momento tambin se debe despertar la atencin si alguno no la tuviese y mantener la de todos frente a ellos.Para generar esa atencin muchas veces se valen de ciertas tcnicas como el comentar una noticia actual de inters mutuo, felicitar a los participantes por algo que hayan logrado y por lo que hayan apoyado en el partido, vincular temas con el lema de la campaa poltica, aadir momentos de silenc io en los discursos que se dan agregando cierta persuasin a indispuesto por breves segundos.Se debe confeccionar una pequea agenda con el esquema que se realizara en esa fecha y los ofrecimientos que se vincularn para que se pueda generar la participacin del pblico que se encuentre en ese momento.Ilustracin 5.Relacin de la tcnica Aida Frente a los votantesElaboracin Propia Fuentes (Barranco Saiz, 2003)3.2. ARGUMENTARIO POLTICO Y PERSUACINEs la exposicin verbal de las ventajas que sustenten el motivo por el cual los electores dan su voto. Se aaden las frases que motivan a los votantes, cualidades del partido, nivel de los votantes y la situacin sociopoltica. El lenguaje que se deben utilizar debe ser directo, claro y contundente. La voz del orador debe ser clara, pausada, evitar frases largas, tener buena vocalizacin y pronunciar bien.Los argumentos a utilizar pueden ser informativos que suelen ser neutros y no siempre son adecuados para transmitir ideas polticas lgicos porque se pue de tener conclusiones para ello las personas deben estar intelectual y psicolgicamente preparados, que son tiles para personas de menor nivel cultural.La persuasin es un proceso en el cual se intenta influir en las motivaciones que tenga una persona, y esto se logre a travs del mensaje del candidato poltico.3.3. ACTOS PBLICOSEl acto pblico ms importante es el mitin sin embargo no es la nica en cual el partido debe dedicar sus esfuerzos cuantitativamente hablando son poco eficaces puesto que la muestra puede ser muy pequea o quizs poco referencial, sin embargo ayuda a animarlos desinteresadamente al marketing poltico, para que as se vuelvan colaboradores indirectamente. Se debe considerar el local, los oradores, la audiencia, los informadores y el servicio de seguridad en la realizacin de un mitin.CAPTULO IV. LAS CAMPAAS ELECTORALESPara tener una buena campaa, el poltico debe poder organizase para que pueda estar verificando la misma con distintas formas de comunicacin. Lograremos en tender lo que realmente es la publicidad poltica, cmo es que se estructura una campaa, que tiene como consecuencia una estructura que va a la par con el plan general que se tenga estipulada para la campaa y evaluar tres puntos importantes la sede central, la financiacin y el personalized que formara parte de esta referida campaa.4.1. PUBLICIDAD POLTICAEs una herramienta que sirve de mucho con las tcnicas que presentan, las cuales nos ayudan a convencer al elector la cual antiguamente se le denominaba propaganda, sin embargo su mejor denominacin es el de publicidad poltica en la cual se convence con la ideologa para captar los votos del mercado poltico y luego poder segmentar el mismo.Para poder definir los objetivos de la publicidad poltica a desarrollar se debe de tomar en cuenta las respuestas a estas preguntas Quines queremos que sean nuestros seguidores y votantes? Qu es lo que queremos transmitir a los electores? Qu queremos probar a los votantes? Cmo se realizara la comunicac in? Cundo y con qu tanta frecuencia se realizara la comunicacin?Todas estas preguntas deben ser respuestas con inteligencia para que se pueda as segmentar el mercado poltico y definir cmo es que se realizaran que estudios se usaran con el contraste de las realidades presentadas en el partido, programa y del mismo candidato para mayor explicacin podemos ver la ilustracin 6, donde se centran las ideas hacia la investigacin del mercado.Ilustracin 6Relacin de la investigacin del mercado PolticoElaboracin Propia Fuentes (Saiz, Marketing Poltico, 2003)4.1.1. MENSAJE DE LA PUBLICIDAD POLTICAEl mensaje tiene que pasa por ciertos procesos como es el primero ver el Estudio de Mercado, luego analizar este mercado y obtener una informacin razonable sobre este, y, por ultimo obtenemos el menaje (vase ilustracin 7).Este mensaje debe tratar de comunicar las ventajas del partido, del candidato, del programa electoral. Para lo cual se debe realizar una lista, sea subjetiva o guindose de las tcnicas profesionales, empezando desde las ideas ms generales hasta llegar a ms concretas esto quiere decir que, primero se abarca el tema emocional y luego se toma lo ms racional (correspondiente a la explicacin del programa electoral que piensa desarrollar).Una vez finalizada la lista, se preceder a analizar la informacin, evaluando cuales son las ideas que no deben ir para su retiro inmediato, porque esto puede generar problemas de interpretacin negativa de los votantes, para ello nos recomiendan que busquemos la correlacin ventajas/deseos del mercado electoral (Barranco Saiz, 2003)Ilustracin 7Proceso de la Elaboracin del mensajeEl mensaje debe ser consistente para que se pueda motivar al elector y sea impulsado a votar por este candidato esto nos hace pensar en las etapas del AIDA que vimos anteriormente pero ahora aplicado al mensaje.Iniciando la primera fase de Atencin la publicidad puede atraer electores nuevos (que muchas veces no se dan cuenta de ello) gracias al Marketing aplicado (porque se influencian en detalles de la publicidad) tambin tiene electores voluntarios (que le interese el mensaje) los cuales muchas veces son atrados por pequeas incertidumbres que dejo en algn discurso anterior.La Fase de Inters es la que contina a este proceso para elaborar el mensaje pues es ello lo que se tiene que hacer que el votante tenga hacia el mensaje y pueda asimilarlo. Por lo cual como definamos anteriormente, la segmentacin de mercado poltico, podremos adaptar el mensaje principal para cada segmento especfico dndoles lo que ellos quieren.4.1.2. DISEO DEL ANUNCIO VISUALEste diseo debe contar con las caractersticas referentes a la investigacin que se haya realizado sobre lo que motiva a la mayora de personas. Debe tener una distribucin correcta del anuncio con ilustraciones, titulares, el texto y el logo.4.2. ESTRUCTURA DE LA CAMPAASe debe elegir la forma de la organizacin y evaluar las desventajas que est presente, se da mediante un plan general de campaa de las cua les son consecuentes actividades del equipo correspondiente mediante la eleccin de la organizacin como se haba mencionado y el nombramiento de dos puestos clave como el director de la campaa y el coordinador del campo que anteriormente lo habamos detallado.Tambin se debe elegir la sede central de la campaa a realizar indicando tambin la organizacin de la misma, pudiendo identificar la diferencia entre los problemas que se den en la localizacin y otras cuestiones tipo material. Y a su vez verificar el problema de la financiacin sobre los costos de la campaa, los fondos y la gestin financiera en s.Otro punto importante de definir en una estructura de campaa debe detallarse el personal con el cual se debe contar, necesariamente se requiere personal especializado.CONCLUSIONES El Marketing poltico est especializado con ayuda del marketing en los partidos, candidatos y el mercado poltico en el cual se interactan con los diversos medios necesarios para lograr una buena organizacin. La orga nizacin del Departamento del marketing es muy importante para un partido poltico pues es la ms importante, la que define los mensajes, la publicidad y todo lo que es consecuente al marketing poltico en s. La eleccin de las personas en los cargos del partido es muy importante que sean especializadas y no solamente personas cercanas al partido puesto que si se quiere tener un mejor partido se debe contar con el mejor personal el cual puede aportar ms que una persona conocida en el partido. La publicidad es muy importante para la captacin de personas que se fijan en pequeos detalles del partido los cuales pueden atraer a las personas ms seguras. El mensaje es importante que se pueda plasmar en la forma que le sea fcil de entender en los distintos segmentos que se hayan subdividido el mensaje debe llegar a todas las personas, es por eso que se adecuan al segmento del mercado poltico.BIBLIOGRAFABarranco Saiz, F. J. (2003). Marketing Poltico. Pirmide.Microsoft Student. (2010). Marketing.S aiz, F. J. (2003). Marketing Poltico. Madrid, Espaa Pirmide.Saiz, F. J. (2003). Marketing Poltico.Salgado, L. M. (2002). Marketing Poltico. Barcelona, Espaa Editorial Paids Ibrica, S. A.Zepeda, A. V. (2002). Declogo del marketing poltico. Revista Mexicana de Comunicacin , vol. 15 (issue 78), 16-20.